By Michael Meiphami Shaiza
The present crisis in Manipur cannot be confined within the narrow frame of a “Naga national issue.” To do so is to misread history, geography, and law. What confronts us today is fundamentally a Manipur state government issue that strikes at the very heart of every indigenous community of this land. It is a crisis born of demographic engineering, of illegal immigration, and of the weaponization of foreign-backed militancy that now seeks to carve a separate state out of the ancestral domain of indigenous peoples.
The patterns are clear. The consequences are grave. The response must therefore be lawful, strategic, and collective.
I. Historical Retrospect: A Crisis Planted, Not Spontaneous
Retrospectively and factually, the roots of today’s turmoil were planted during the colonial era. The British, for administrative and military convenience, facilitated the settlement of Kuki groups in the Naga and Meitei hill tracts as a buffer against independent hill polities. This colonial design has been replicated and sustained by successive governments and agencies, wittingly or unwittingly, up to the present day. It must be stated with moral clarity and social honesty that the “old Kukis” who were brought in during the colonial period have, in many villages, been accommodated peacefully by Naga and Meitei communities for generations. The rupture began with the second and subsequent waves of illegal immigration after 1960.
During the tenure of the late Shri Rungsung Suisa, MP, refugee funds were secured from the Central Government for humanitarian relief. Prudently viewed, that act of compassion has since been distorted. The same channels that once addressed human suffering have, over decades, enabled demographic expansion and political assertion that now threatens the territorial and constitutional integrity of indigenous land. History demands we distinguish between peaceful co-existence and politically engineered encroachment.
II. The Constitutional Imperative: Abrogate, Codify, Protect
Logically and lawfully, three immediate legislative actions are imperative for the Manipur State Assembly. First, the Suspension of Operations agreement with Kuki militant groups must be revisited. When SoO groups engage in acts of arson, village burning, kidnapping, and dehumanization that violate the Constitution of India, they cease to be political entities and assume the character of anti-constitutional actors. The Government of Manipur, as a signatory to the tripartite agreement, possesses the sovereign right and democratic duty to withdraw its signature. To extend legitimacy to terror is to undermine the rule of law. Peace through strength is not a slogan; it is constitutional self-preservation.
Second, the Assembly must pass a resolution adopting a clear cut-off year for citizenship verification, either 1951 or 1961, in line with national precedents. This must be officially reported to the Central Government. Without a statutory baseline, the distinction between citizen and illegal immigrant dissolves, and with it dissolves the political rights of the indigenous. This is not exclusion; it is legal definition. It is the bedrock of any democratic state.
Third, the Assembly must declare, unequivocally and democratically, that there shall be no homeland or any separate constitutional status for any community carved out of the indigenous land of the people in present-day Manipur. The integrity of the state’s territorial and social fabric is non-negotiable. Article 371C and existing protections for hill areas exist to preserve, not to partition.
III. Legislative Unity: The Mandate for Naga and Meitei Lawmakers
Politically and patriotically, we urge our Naga MLAs, Meitei MLAs, and all other indigenous representatives to act in concert, and to act now. The Assembly is the constitutional battlefield where this crisis can be de-escalated instantly. Delay is strategy for the adversary. We have seen the pattern. We have studied the techniques: victimhood narratives projected internationally, simultaneous occupation of highways, and the strategic use of violence to force political dialogue.
Without decisive legislative action, the crisis will be capitalized further by those who seek advantage from chaos. This is not a call to appeasement. Mere shouting for peace, without the structure of law and deterrence, will sooner or later destroy Naga villages and shatter our collective security. It will breed mistrust amongst Naga tribes themselves. One-man heroism is not relevant in this post-modern, asymmetric, and silent proxy war. The era demands institutional courage, not individual bravado.
IV. The Naga Doctrine: Honesty, Humility, and Collective Defense
Socially and spiritually, the Naga response must be anchored in two virtues: honesty amongst ourselves, and humility before our cause. Honesty amongst Naga tribes and stakeholders is tantamount to defending our historical and constitutional rights.
Factionalism, opacity, and personal aggrandizement are gifts to the enemy. The Biblical principle of Nehemiah remains our guide: build with one hand, guard with the other. “Si vis pacem, para bellum.” If you want peace, prepare for war. This does not mean we seek war. It means that in times of ceasefire, in these 30 years of relative quiet, we must have built our defenses, honed our capabilities, and secured our governance.
Strong defenses naturally deter conflict. GPRN, as a parallel government that has functioned for decades, bears a sacred responsibility. Where are the latest capabilities to protect our people? Where is the transparent accounting of hundreds of crores collected as revenue tax? If we claim a Naga Army, where is the force that ensures a farmer, a housewife, a grandmother, and an unemployed youth can sleep without fear? A government that cannot protect its citizens is not a government. A movement that cannot defend its future generations will end as a footnote.
V. The Moral Covenant: From Survival to Sovereignty
Emotionally and empathetically, we must confront a painful truth. Because of our disunity, Tangkhuls have been wounded. Because of our opacity, Nagas have been weakened. Because of our lack of Khok-kha Yang-kha, of collective clarity, our people are confused and our villages are vulnerable. This cannot continue.
Biblically and beautifully, the Lord does not honor a people who deceive their own. If we treat our villagers as mere tools, if we silence questions with labels like “Mafia” or “Gangster,” then the God of justice will not stand with us. Our struggle is righteous only when our hands are clean. Our nation is strong only when our leadership is transparent.
Therefore, let it be resolved, magnificently and vehemently: 1. The Manipur Assembly must act on SoO, on citizenship cut-off, and on territorial integrity. 2. Naga stakeholders must unify, audit, and account, both in resources and in strategy. 3. We must fight democratically, politically, and with every lawful instrument of statecraft and defense. Appeasement is surrender. 4. We must embrace humility and openness, for without collective strength, we grant advantage to those who seek our land.
The crisis in Manipur is a test of our statehood, our nationhood, and our very soul. If we answer it with law, with unity, with strength, and with righteousness, then we shall not merely survive this hour. We shall emerge as the democratic and moral anchor of the entire region. May God bless our Naga people, and may He grant wisdom to all indigenous sons and daughters of Manipur.
Michael Meiphami Shaiza is Co-incharge of BJP Manipur State Political Programmes and Meetings and President of Ukhrul-based NGO Ecological Rehabilitators’ Association (ERA).
(Views expressed are writers’ own and do not, in whatsoever manner, reflect that of Ukhrul Now)
